On September 12, 1891, in the municipality of Ponce, Puerto Rico, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was born. This iconic figure is highly regarded in Latin American history and revered as Puerto Rico’s leading symbol of the independence cause in the Twentieth Century.
Campos was raised by his aunt in a poor but humble family setting. His mother died due to illness when he was a very young child. And when he was only seven years old, on July 25, 1898, the United States militarily invaded Puerto Rico, an outcome of the Spanish-American War.
In the days leading up to the onslaught naval warships blockaded all commercial ports of the island nation. The young Pedro Albizu Campos experienced the panic caused by the U.S. Navy when they threaten to bomb the city of Ponce if the residents did not surrender. Witnessing firsthand the arrogance of foreign soldiers is likely why he held an everlasting contempt for U.S. colonialism.
During his formative years Campos was exceptionally gifted. Due to his academic skills he was put in an accelerated track in school. By 1912 he received a scholarship to study engineering at the University of Vermont. A year later, Campos applied and was accepted to Harvard University.
But with the outbreak of World War 1 in 1917 he joined the U.S. Army where he served as First-Lieutenant in the U.S. Army’s segregated All-Black units.
First Lieutenant Pedro Albizu Campos during World War I.
In 1919 Campos continued his studies. He achieved his law degree, as well as in Literature, Philosophy, Chemical Engineering, Military Science, and Language. Campos fluently spoke English, Spanish, German, French, Portuguese, Italian, Greek and classic Latin.
Campos was a genius, not by bourgeois and Euro-centric standards but because of his high level of humanity. His humility, and ability to reaffirm Puerto Rican anti-colonial traditions earned him the nickname “El Maestro” (The Teacher). The common folks greeted him by the name handle “Don” (Don Pedro) – a salutation of endearment and respect in Latino culture.
Pedro Albizu Campos during his years at Harvard University.
Campos was the first Puerto Rican to attend Harvard University and graduate with the highest honors. Soon after finishing his education high paying employment offers were made to him, as Hispanic Representative in the Protestant Church, Legal Aide to the U.S. Supreme Court, the U.S. State Department and so on. But Campos declined. Instead, he chose to be a lawyer for the poor, many times defending clients unable to pay him.
Don Pedro adamantly condemned U.S. imperialism which earned him recognition by other contemporary revolutionary figures, most notably Ernesto Che Guevara, James Connolly, Marcus Garvey, to name a few.
Because he was influenced by the examples of the legendary Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances, Pedro Albizu Campos became a revolutionary nationalist with an internationalist criterion.
In fact, Campos’s outspoken oratory against the “racist practices in the house of the empire” caught the attention of Pan-Africanist leader Marcus Garvey, who traveled to Puerto Rico to meet the renowned leader. Despite their differences in goals and tactics, this meeting was highly symbolic. The two leaders proceeded in their separate line of march but with the highest respect for each other.
Puerto Rican and Irish Solidarity
During his years at Harvard University Campos became involved in support work for the Irish Republican movement. Ireland was at a threshold in its historic liberation struggle against British colonialism. Campos’ admiration for the Irish cause served as his introduction to the ideals of revolutionary politics, which he eventually brought back to Puerto Rico.
Through his direct contact with representatives of Sein Fein in Boston and New York City, Don Pedro became good friends with James Connolly, The renown Irish socialist revolutionary and co-founder of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Connolly was also instrumental in the emergence of the Industrial Workers of the World, (IWW) also known as “The Wobblies”.
Irish revolutionary leaders Éamon de Valera and Connolly asked Campos to contribute a written draft for what would become the Constitution of a free Irish Republic. The collaboration between revolutionaries from two oppressed nations — Boricua and Irish — is of paramount significance in history.
Pedro Albizu Campos assumes leadership
In the earliest days of U.S. colonialism, a movement capable of addressing the new circumstances did not exist. The Unionist Party was conveniently repudiating independence from its program in an opportunistic effort to appease the mainstream. After many internal conflicts, on September 17, 1922, the radical members broke away to form theNationalist Party.
Campos came to prominence in 1925 at a Nationalist rally held in San Juan. Colonial decree required all public events to display the American flag. To stay within the bounds of legality organizers decorated the railing around the stage with small U.S. flags.
As Don Pedro walked to the podium he calmly began to remove the U.S. flags, one by one, and tucked them in his pocket. He began his speech by saying “American flag, I will not salute you, if you symbolize a free and sovereignty nation, in Puerto Rico you represent piracy and pillage.”
Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos’ bold act shocked many in Puerto Rico and put into question the lack of militant energy in the Party’s leadership. The courage and charisma Campos demonstrated at this event is likely what propelled his ascendancy to the leadership. In 1927 he was elected Vice President and in 1930 he became President of the Nationalist Party.
Don Pedro was a man of his people.
In 1927 Campos traveled throughout Latin America and the Caribbean on behalf of the Nationalist Party. His mission was to seek support for Puerto Rico’s independence. Revolutionary nationalist movements were rising up everywhere during that decade.
When Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was elected President of the Nationalist Party in 1930 it sharpened existing internal contradictions. Campo’s more radical political views came into conflict with his rivals who tended to be conciliatory towards U.S. colonial policy.
In addition, due to the history of African chattel slavery in Puerto Rico, white members of the Party became contemptuous to the idea of following the leadership of a Black figure. Racism and reaction to a revolutionary direction compelled conservative forces to leave the Party.
Despite these internal contradictions Don Pedro’s oratory skills, tenacity, defiance, and fearlessness earned him the highest level of moral authority in the independence movement and from all social stratums in Puerto Rican society.
Don Pedro speaking to the news media.
Once Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos assumed leadership the Nationalist Party was qualitatively transformed. In 1932 the Cadets of the Republic were organized — a para-military youth component of 10,000 members with Nationalist Raimundo Diaz Pacheco as its commander. The uniform of the Cadets was black shirts and white pants. They strove to become a liberation army, following the model of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Cadets of the Republic was the para-military component of the Nationalist Party.
Moreover, under Don Pedro’s leadership, an all-women component to the Party was also created. Among the heroines to rise up to prominence as a result were Rosa Rosado, Blanca Canales, Lolita Lebron, Leonides Diaz, Carmen Maria Perez, Ruth Reynolds, Olga Isabel Viscal Garriga, among others. The women of Puerto Rico have traditionally played exceptional roles as leaders and combatants in the anti-colonial struggle.
Anti-colonialism intertwined with class struggle
U.S. colonial agencies began scrutinizing Campos and the Nationalist Party, especially after they gained influence among the striking sugarcane workers in 1934.
Labor strikes frequently occurred during this period. The influence Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos had on the victorious sugarcane workers heightened the prestige of the Nationalist Party among wider sectors of the Puerto Rican working class.
Worker’s unrest in the United States during the Great Depression was enough havoc for U.S. rulers. Because Campos won the respect of the labor movement in Puerto Rico it compelled Washington officials to repress the Nationalist Party. A media campaign was launched to demonize Don Pedro and the independence cause. The mere sentiments of Puerto Rican nationalism posed a threat to U.S. capitalist interest.
Campos addressing the striking sugarcane workers, 1936.
Repression against Puerto Rican nationalism
FBI agents and the colonial police arrested, brutalized, and murdered Nationalists. On October 24, 1935 students at the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) were killed by police for merely raising the Puerto Rican flag. In 1936 Don Pedro was imprisoned to ten years supposedly for Conspiring to overthrow the Government. In 1938 the Nationalist Party was banned by decree.
Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was praised by many, one of whom was the socialist U.S. Congressman Vito Marcantonio. Marcantonio was a staunch supporter of the Puerto Rican independence struggle and served as Campos’ attorney.
Don Pedro being arrested in 1936.
The following year on March 21, 1937, on a Sunday morning, in the city of Ponce, hundreds of people – women, children and men — gathered at the town plaza, in a peaceful demonstration to demand the release of Don Pedro. Once the gathering began to march the police carried out the unthinkable — they opened fire with rifles and Thompson submachine guns. The casualties were 21 people killed and 235 wounded. It became known in history as the Ponce Massacre.
U.S. rulers feared the moral authority Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos governed as well as his tenacity and valor. The colonizers were well aware of the legitimacy the Nationalist Party had in the hearts and minds of the people.
The “Gag Law” & defending Boricua dignity
After Don Pedro returned to Puerto Rico from a 10 year prison sentence his resolve proved to be untouched. From a San Juan based radio show Campos conveyed his anti-imperialist views to a listening audience. He also used this media to condemned the secret genocidal activities of Cornelius P. Rhoads, who was later discovered to be the mastermind behind the secret sterilizations of Puerto Rican women.
Washington officials sought ways to impose harsh decrees to minimize the threat posed by growing sentiments favoring independence. On June 10, 1948,Law 53 of 1948, better known as the Gag Law (Spanish: Ley de La Mordaza), was enacted by the U.S. installed San Juan colonial government in a blatant attempt to silence the pro-independence movement.
The Gag Law was filled with many outrageous draconian measures, such as forbidding the mere mention of independence in literature, billboards, music, and public speech. The decree also made it illegal to possess and display the Puerto Rican flag. This law created favorable conditions for repression.
While the notorious Senator Joseph McCarthy carried out his anti-communist witch hunt in the United States, the ugliest forms of repression were seen in Puerto Rico. Advocates of independence were blacklisted, denied employment, jailed, or were systematically shot in open daylight.
From this point on advocating independence was considered a risk to one’s life. The persecution against the Nationalists was identical to what was inflicted on the Black Panther Party with the FBI’s Operation: COINTELPRO.
In 1950 Nationalist Party intelligence operatives discovered a secret plan to destroy the movement. Don Pedro was then compelled to make a general call to arms in order to strike the first blow. In response to his directive, Nationalists attacked colonial authorities in cities throughout Puerto Rico.
In San Juan, the headquarters of the Nationalist Party was attacked by police. Campos, Isabel Rosado and others undertook an armed battle until they were overwhelmed by tear gas.
On the morning of October 30, 1950, a young woman named Blanca Canales led one of the boldest actions in Puerto Rican revolutionary history. An armed contingency entered the township of Jayuya in the central region. The Nationalists forced the police to surrender, after a gun battle which lasted an hour. Blanca Canales then gave the command to burn the police headquarters to the ground. This event is remembered as theJayuya Uprising.
Blanca Canales was leader of the Nationalist Jayuya uprising..
On November 1, 1950 Nationalists Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola attempted the assignation of President Harry Truman. Torresola was killed and Collazo was critically wounded in a shootout with the Secret Service and Capital Police.
Oscar Collazo after his conviction.
Adding insult to injury when the question of Puerto Rico was first proposed for discussion before the United Nations Organization in 1952 the U.S. immediately blocked the effort. Washington officials claimed that Puerto Rico was an “internal matter of the United States”. Justifiably, the imperial arrogance of the U.S. only stiffened the resolve of Nationalists living in New York City.
On March 1, 1954,Nationalists Lolita Lebron,Rafael Cancel Miranda, Irving Flores and Andres Figueroa Corderoentered the House of Representatives while proceedings were taking place. Lolita Lebrón shouted, “Que viva Puerto Rico libre!” The freedom fighters then aimed their weapons and opened fire on the U.S. Congress.
Puerto Rican Nationalists attacked the House of Representatives on March 1, 1954.
What followed was brutal suppression of the entire independence movement. Many Nationalists were randomly imprisoned throughout the 1950’s. Anyone with pro-independence inclination was deemed terrorist; civil liberties for Puerto Ricans were virtually non-existent. The prevailing state of fear and intimidation overshadowed colonialism’s tightening economic grip. The Draconian measures of the 1948 Gag Law continues to have a psychological imprint in Puerto Rico to this day.
At his 19th year of imprisonment, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was pardoned, on November 15, 1964, by the notorious Luis Munoz Marin — the U.S. approved Governor and greatest traitor in Twentieth Century Puerto Rican history. Don Pedro’s release was a political maneuver by the U.S. colonizers to disguise the heinous acts committed against the Nationalist Party.
Despite U.S. government denials evidence showed that Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was tortured with radiation experiments during his incarceration. What was obvious to the naked eye corroborated with findings made by independent medical experts. When Campos was released from prison the physical condition of his body served as indisputable testimony of this heinous crime.
On April 21, 1965, the beloved Don Pedro died at 73 years old. In the final analysis, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was murdered by the U.S. colonizers through a gradual not-so-hidden process.
Medical evidence proved that Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was tortured with radiation during his imprisonment.
The Legacy
Although Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos came short of realizing his quest for an independent Puerto Rican republic, he succeeded in revitalizing Boricua revolutionary traditions. He also reaffirmed the self-identity of the Puerto Rican people, which the U.S. colonizers attempted to destroy. In short, Don Pedro left us with a new disposition for our people to utilize in future struggles. That in itself will continue to pose a threat to the U.S. rulers.
His repeated motto “The homeland is valor and sacrifice” describes what he knew the Puerto Rican people are destined to carry out.
El Maestro firmly believed that freedom cannot come about by blindly following posturing political figures or voting in meaningless elections, approved by enemies of our people. Campos was critical of political deceptions designed to corrupt and derail the national liberation struggle.
Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos knew quite well that his mission in life was to set a revolutionary example — the rest was up to future generations; it is the youth who are destined to smash U.S. colonialism in Puerto Rico and make the Boricua contribution to the global defeat of U.S. Imperialism.
The colonization of Puerto Rico began as a consequence of the Spanish-American War in 1898. Cuba, Guam, the Philippines and Puerto Rico were deemed as “spoils of war” — the result of Spain’s surrender to the United States. Puerto Rico was then colonized by a new tyrant. The island nation soon after became a staging ground for U.S. military ventures throughout the Caribbean and all of Latin America; a practice that continues to this day.
Throughout the history of the U.S. colonial presence in Puerto Rico outspoken advocates for independence have been the targets of Draconian measures. Members of the Nationalist Party lived under the constant threat of being blacklisted from employment, their homes firebombed, imprisonment, torture and being killed by the various repressive agencies.
U.S. colonial policy in Puerto Rico has always been administered with complete disregard for the wishes of the Puerto Rican people. It was precisely this disposition by the colonial rulers which brought about one of the most horrifying events in Puerto Rico’s history.
The Ponce Massacre
In the city of Ponce, a peaceful demonstration was planned for March 21, 1937. It was intended to commemorate the 1873 abolition of African chattel slavery in Puerto Rico and to demand the release of imprisoned Nationalist leader Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos.
Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos
Although permits were not required the organizers requested permission to have the event out of respect for the sympathetic mayor of Ponce. The organizers were granted a legal permit to proceed with their plans.
The notorious U.S. Army General Blanton Winship was appointed colonial governor by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Despite the “progressive” and “liberal” projections made by bourgeois historians and apologists, Roosevelt was just as brutal as any colonizing head of state acting with impunity. Boricuas suffered tremendously under the FDR administration and Gen. Blanton Winship’s racist implementation of colonial policy.
Outright brutality through military rule was the preferred form of administering colonialism. Winship tried everything possible to stop the scheduled nationalist event, including using blatant gangster-type methods aimed to intimidate.
In this period of intense repression, the U.S. government, through Winship, sought to stamp out all nationalist sentiments and the self-identity of the colonized nation — especially its quest for independence and self-determination.
On that Palm Sunday morning, hundreds of people – women, children and men – gathered at the town plaza, in defiance of the colonial government’s wishes. Among those who assembled were women dressed in all white who gathered as Nurses of the Republic; the mostly youth comprised Cadets of the Republic — the para-military wing of the Nationalist Party was present in uniform, black shirts and white pants; church congregations and others also formed their contingents.
Re-enacting the Ponce Massacre.
A Nationalist color guard in military formation unveiled the outlawed Puerto Rican flag. With clenched fists in the air, the crowd began to sing “La Borinqueña” — the original (revolutionary) version of the Puerto Rican national anthem, written by Lola Rodriguez De Tio.
At this point, the police had completely sealed off the area where the nationalist protest was gathering. With grenades, tear-gas bombs, carbine rifles and Tommy sub-machine guns, under the directions of Blanton Winship the police prepared for the bloody onslaught.
Once the crowd began to march, knowing that the mostly young participants were unarmed, the police did the unimaginable — they opened fire.
Photo of the actual moment when the Ponce Massacre began..
The barrage lasted about 13 minutes. The participants which included elderly and children helplessly attempted to escape the unexpected horror. People began to desperately run to save their lives from bullets flying everywhere. They screamed terrified witnessing the chaos and blood splattering bodies of compatriots who fell to the ground from gunshots wounds.
When the shooting ended, 21 people had been killed and over 200 wounded. The American Civil Liberties Union investigated the tragedy. It was concluded by forensic investigation that those who died were shot in the back. The event brought sadness and shock throughout Puerto Rico. The funeral procession for the martyrs was one of the largest in the country’s history — about 20,000 people attended.
Victims of the Ponce Massacre.
The cruelty of the Ponce Massacre sheds light on the many heinous acts committed by the U.S. in Puerto Rico. Destruction, death, plunder and rape are the trademarks of colonialism. U.S. rulers perceive Puerto Ricans as expendable; let us not forget how modern times Washington officials allowed 4,743 Puerto Ricans to die from neglect, following the devastation of Hurricane Maria.
“It was love for the freedom of our homeland — Puerto Rico,” Nationalist iconic figure Doña Isabel Rosado once said, “that gave strength to the martyrs of Ponce. Nothing in this world is more powerful than this emotion — not even the guns of the colonial assassins.”
And it is precisely this emotion that worries U.S. colonialism even to this day — an emotion that will prove fatal to them when the Puerto Rican masses eventually rise up to avenge the Ponce Massacre.
Changing the form of colonial rule
The nationalist movement that rose up in the first half of the 20th Century compelled the U.S. colonizers to change their methods of subjugating the people of Puerto Rico. Long after the Ponce Massacre, decades later into the present day, the U.S. colonizers became more sophisticated in their methods of domination.
By 1952, Washington, DC allowed some semblances of democracy, in an attempt to fool the people with illusions of self-determination and to disguise the exploitative nature of the colonial relationship before the eyes of the world.
A depiction of the Ponce Massacre by artist Pedro Brull.
The U.S. colonizers developed such a confidence in their new tactics of colonizing that they became willing to allow individuals of Puerto Rican origin, like the notorious Luis Muñoz Marin, to serve on the highest levels of government — as in years later — the U.S. House of Representative and Supreme Court.
The rulers have no problem granting Puerto Ricans visibility — what they have problems with is granting Puerto Ricans political power, that is, the right to independence. And because freedom is never granted from the “goodness” of an oppressor, it will require a revolutionary mass movement to obtain it.
The U.S. empire is more vulnerable than what most people realize; it has brought on itself enemies in all parts of the globe. We should feel assured that Boricuas will rise up in rebellion and win the historical struggle for independence. On that glorious future moment Puerto Ricans will make their contribution to the worldwide defeat of U.S. imperialism.
Arturo Alfonso Schomburg was born on January 24, 1874 in Santurce, Puerto Rico. He was a Black Puerto Rican scholar, historian, author and activist, who devoted his entire life to compiling vast collections of writings and art documenting significant events in Black history.
When Schomburg was just 8 years old he was told by a school teacher that Black people had no history. This assertion naturally bothered him for a long time. But as he gradually grew older, Schomburg found the teacher’s claim to make absolutely no sense. That encounter became Schomburg’s motivation which led him to set out and prove wrong such racist notions.
African chattel slavery also took place in Puerto Rico, it was the consequence of Spanish colonialism in both Africa and Latin America. In 1527 the first slave revolts in Puerto Rico was among the bloodiest in the Western Hemisphere.
Despite the numerous contributions Schomburg made to the preservation of Black-Latino history, like many other Black scholars and professionals in different fields he was not immune to anti-Black discrimination. Throughout his entire life, Schomburg experienced blatant racism, sadly within the Puerto Rican community as well.
Colorism, as an extension of white supremacy, often permeated conversations about “Los prietos” (the dark ones), “Pelo bueno y pelo malo” (good hair and bad hair), and so on. As in the United States, the not-so-hidden practices of racism has also existed in Puerto Rico and all of Latin America.
Arturo Schomburg was instrumental in documenting the role of African people in the cultural development of the Puerto Rican nation. The psychic, spirituality, linguistics, diet, music and dance of Puerto Rico pointed to the contributions made by Africans. Schomburg proudly identified as an Afroborinqueño (Afro-Puerto Rican).
Harlem Renaissance & Puerto Rico’s independence struggle
Schomburg became a prominent figure of the Harlem Renaissance. He collaborated with famous individuals like Langston Hughes, Alain Leroy Locke, W.E.B. Du Bois and other pillars of that movement. The Harlem Renaissance succeeded in challenging the ideological facets of white supremacy through the literary, visual and performing arts. It was an exciting and enlightening period in history for the African diaspora, following the struggles to end the horrors of slavery.
Marcus Garvey, Arthur Schomburg and other mourners at the grave of John E. Bruce
Thanks to the powerful momentum inspired by Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL) Black people now had relative freedom to develop culturally, economically and politically in the surroundings of a white racist society. This was the setting in which Arturo Schomburg was able to make his contributions to Black history.
Arturo Alfonso Schomburg in New York City, 1932.
Before moving to New York City, at 17 years old, Schomburg was a leader in the secret Revolutionary Committees of Puerto Rico. This organization was created several years before Schomburg’s birth for launching the 1868 anti-slavery & pro-independence revolt known as El Grito De Lares. Although the attempt to rid Spanish colonialism failed, the Revolutionary Committee continued to exist clandestinely.
Schomburg was a firm advocate for Puerto Rico’s independence. In fact, he was the founder of Las Dos Alas (in English The Two Wings), an organization in New York City devoted to the independence cause of Puerto Rico and Cuba.
In 1895, Schomburg partook in a secret meeting held at New York City’s Chimney Corner Hall to discuss and approve a banner design that became the official Puerto Rican Flag of today. This meeting was attended by Puerto Ricans affiliated with the Cuban Revolutionary Party of Jose Marti.
Schomburg’s shift in central focus
But as the 19th Century came to a close with the U.S. military occupation of both Cuba and Puerto Rico, caused the independence movement in both countries to enter a period of stagnation. The anti-colonial struggle was temporarily paralyzed due to many people believing the overtures of U.S. invaders who promised to grant independence. As a result, Schomburg and other like-minded activists who resided outside of Cuba and Puerto Rico, began to re-vise their activities based on the change in the climate of imperialism.
As the persecution of Black people in the United States intensified, with the extension of Jim Crow laws, lynching and white racist riots presenting a dangerous and menacing setting, coupled by Schomburg’s childhood memory of a demeaning comment made to him by a school teacher, raised his commitment to the idea of affirming the validity and truth of Black history.
Ridiculing the racist fables about the origins and history of Black people became Schomburg’s central focus. His noble quest eventually proved the extent of white supremacy’s corruption and baseless reasoning for existing.
Once in New York City, and for the remainder of his life, Schomburg collected large amounts of materials relevant to the history of Africa and the African diaspora. His work unavoidably brought to light the falsehood of white historians who interpreted the history of human social development strictly from a European perspective, thus concealing what are the African people’s pivotal role in that process.
Although Arturo Schomburg never proclaimed to be a revolutionary, his academic achievements coupled with such fervent passion to preserve and protect the historic culture of the Diaspora shows otherwise. Long after his death, Schomburg’s accomplishments continue to shatter racist myths.
A 24″ X 30″ canvas portrait I made of Arturo Alfonso Schomberg.
His devotion to raise Black history to its rightful grandeur contributed immensely to the ideological struggle against white supremacy, thus, adding to the majestic qualities of Black nationalism.
Moreover, Schomburg was a consistent leader of debunking the dangerous narratives of racial superiority that ushered in social Darwinism and Eugenics. These world perspectives were often used by capitalists to politically hinder and divide working class people.
Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture — Harlem, New York City
The vast and beautiful collection of literature and art materials he compiled throughout his life are permanently housed at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center For Research of Black Culture, located at 515 Malcolm X Blvd, in Harlem, NYC.
Arturo Afonso Schomburg shall be remembered for his bold intellectual defiance and as a hero of the oppressed. His lifelong contributions have strengthened the legitimacy of Puerto Rico’s independence cause as well as the historical struggle for Black liberation. Schomburg’s’ life embodied the epitome of Black & Puerto Rican solidarity.
Of the events in African American history that bourgeois historians and apologists of slavery tend to dread is the Nat Turner Rebellion. This monumental chapter in Black history occurred on August 21, 1831 at the Belmont Plantation in Southampton County, Virginia. Since then Nat Turner’s name symbolizes defiance for African Americans but for white privilege it continues to be a moment in history that torments the imagination.
White supremacy’s preferred narrative of that rebellion is overemphasizing the violence inflicted on the slave owning families. False interpretations of history aimed to project slavers as victims and insidiously criminalize the justified rage of Black people, both in the past and present.
The horrific acts of violence inflicted on white slave owning families by the rebellious slaves can best be characterized as the “chickens coming home to roost”. To understand why this slave revolt was one of the bloodiest in U.S. history is necessary to grasp the experiences the African American people endured under that system.
Great Britain perceived the Thirteen Colonies as their goose that laid golden eggs, and valued them more than all of its conquered territories throughout the globe. Of all the countries where slavery was practiced it was in the United States where this system became the most lucrative and brutal.
The rapid economic accumulation of wealth created from enslaved labor allowed the United States to develop into the giant capitalist bastion it is today. The enormous financial power that derived from the harshest circumstances of human suffering compelled the rulers to develop a set of ideas which ultimately served as their ideological justification for Black oppression — White supremacy.
Despite the glorification of the “old South” by the mainstream Black people were subjected to extreme forms of degradation, beatings, castration, torture, murder, and the rape of women, men and children alike. Black families lived under constant fear of being separated. Without warning children, mothers and fathers were sold to other slave plantations. In addition, among the most shocking and heinous acts committed by slave owners as a sport and for punishing insubordinate slaves was having their children tossed into rivers to be killed by crocodiles.
The gall of bourgeois historians who dare to make false judgement while minimizing the crimes inflicted on Black people. The blame for the not-so-pleasant details of slave uprisings falls strictly on those who firmly preserved the cruelty that came with this system. Black people have historically been driven to use force as a means to end their suffering.
No uprising in history has ever been pretty. When a subjugated people realizes that struggle is the only path to freedom there are no guarantees that bloodshed will be absent from the equation. Tyrants have always reserved the right to use violence, as a way to preserve their power. For oppressed people breaking away from the yoke of their plight has always been achieved by whatever means available to them.
Although Nat Turner was traumatized from abuses since childhood, he managed to develop strong leadership qualities which allowed him to serve as preacher among the slaves. According to the supposed “confession” made after his capture, to a Southampton attorney Thomas Ruffin Gray, Turner stated that he had received a message from God commanding him to lead the slaves in an uprising.
On the evening of August 21, 1831, Under the leadership of Nat Turner numerous slaves abruptly began to rebel. They ran to the supply sheds to arm themselves with work tools used for toiling the land. With weapons in hand the enslaved laborers proceeded throughout the plantation to bludgeon and stab to death the well-armed overseers.
The intensity of the revolt continued with Nat Turner and his followers entering the hated resident mansion which symbolized the depth of their oppression as slaves. It was there where all members of the privileged White slave owning family were killed.
A state of panic widely consumed the White populace of Virginia and neighboring states, as the Black insurgents were hunted by bands of racist vigilantes. Unfortunately, by October 30th all of the insurrectionists were captured and put on a showcase trial.
On November 11, 1831 Nat Turner and 56 of his followers were executed and about 200 non-participants of the revolt from neighboring plantations were beaten and tortured. The repressive decrees implemented throughout the South were intense which lasted until the Civil War.
As if killing Turner and his followers were not enough to satisfy the frenzied vindictiveness of slavers, the bodies of the martyrs were gruesomely chopped to pieces, burned and used to make oil and glue. In the aftermath whites proved to be psychologically impacted, they became increasingly fearful of Black people. New repressive measures were instituted throughout the South with harsher laws that restricted the movement of slaves and free Blacks alike.
Nat Turner contributed to the rising momentum of that period which popularized the use of armed force against the vile institution of slavery. By all accounts Nat Turner’s Rebellion of 1831 inspired John Brown‘s attack on Harper’s Ferry in 1859, which triggered the momentous political storm that resulted in the Civil War of 1861-1865 and the overthrow of the slave-owning class.
The Attempt to destroy slavery by the slaves themselves is of the utmost significance. This event will continue to inspire today’s anti-racist struggles as we continue to grapple with the historical consequences of African chattel slavery in the modern era.
Although the rebellion was suppressed, with the martyrs tortured and executed, this history continues to inspire a yearning for freedom in the present period. The legacy of this slave revolt added to Black traditions that brought into being other heroic examples like Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglas, Ida B. Wells, Marcus Garvey, the African Blood Brotherhood, Malcolm X, Black Panther Party, and more recently, what transpired with the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.
History has given Nat Turner the noble title of revolutionary, during his lifetime. A future revolutionary struggle in the United States will surely bring about a broad desire for erecting statues and monuments dedicated to the memory of freedom fighters like Nat Turner. Giving the highest tribute to men and women who fought for Black liberation will be part and parcel of realizing the demand for reparations.
LONG LIVE THE MEMORY OF NAT TURNER, OCTOBER 2, 1800 – NOVEMBER 11, 1831
Of all revolutionary leaders during the Nineteenth Century in Puerto Rico’s anti-colonial struggle Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances is of profound significance. He is among the most recognized figures in Caribbean and Latin American history.
Ramon Emeterio Betances’ convictions provided a roadmap for future generations. Dr Pedro Albizu Campos and the Nationalist Party, Arturo Alfonso Schomberg, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, Puerto Rican Independence Party, Los Macheteros, the Young Lords, and others, came about due traditions in the national liberation struggle firmly established by him. Today, Betances is considered Father of the Puerto Rican Nation.
This legendary figure held several titles and professions, which he utilized as assets in the service of the liberation struggle. He was a poet, novelist, journalist, public health administrator, social hygienist, medical doctor, surgeon, ophthalmologist, scientist, diplomat, politician, in addition to being an abolitionist and revolutionary leader.
Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances
The son of a White-Dominican father and an Afro-Puerto Rican mother, Betances was reared in a relatively wealthy and privileged family. However, as he became of age, Betances questioned the causes for the social and economic inequalities that existed under a slave-owning colonial system.
During his formative years, the young Ramon was educated by a private tutor. When Betances was 17 years old, his father sent him to study at the School of Medicine of Montpellier in Paris, France. It was there where he finished his degree in Medicine and Surgery.
While in France, Betances was influenced by the 1848 revolutionary upheavalin Europe. This period of historical unrest is when both the Monarchy and the Roman Catholic Church were losing political control as the masses rose to rebel against them.
My portrait of Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances. 24″ X 30″, acrylic paint on canvas.
Upon his return to Puerto Rico, Betances opened his medical practice. Being a physician and humanist, he was empathetic of the human suffering he witnessed.
During the cholera epidemic of 1856, Betances defiantly clashed with colonial officials in the city of Mayaguez. He risked arrest and imprisonment because he prioritized medical care for African slaves over the colonizing white-Spanish born soldiers and officers, who were also infected by the widespread deadly disease.
Influence of the 1804 Haitian Revolution
Betances gradually evolved a contempt against foreign tyranny. He was influenced by the revolutionary storm of ideas in France but was profoundly impacted by the boldness of the Haitian Revolution.
The militant example of the Haitian people was a beacon of hope and inspiration for enslaved and colonized people throughout the Caribbean, Africa and United States – similar to the Soviet Union in the early part of its history. As a result, Betances was motivated to become active in the clandestine movement for independence and the abolition of slavery.
Haitian and Puerto Rican Flags
Haitian leaders understood quite well the necessity and benefits for oppressed people of different lands to forge unity, if they are to survive the onslaught of colonizing powers. This was a feature of the Haitian perspective that became most attractive to Betances.
In collaboration with fellow revolutionist Segundo Ruiz Belvis and others, Betances led an organizing effort to create the Revolutionary Committee, an organization devoted to the struggle for independence and the abolition of slavery by preparing for revolution. Organizing these committees was most important in areas of Puerto Rico where African slaves and other downtrodden sectors of the population were concentrated.
Monument in Lares, PR dedicated to Ramon Emeterio Betances.
Betances became the central figure in the movement which brought about the 1868 Grito De Lares, an uprising that attempted the overthrow of Spanish colonialism. El Grito De Lares is also an event that affirmed the existence of the Puerto Rican Nation.
It was with the enthusiasm of the moment as Puerto Rican revolutionaries prepared to wage armed battle with Spanish colonialism when Betances and Mariana Bracetti, a leader of the movement and a professional Stitcher, collaborated to create the first Puerto Rican flag.
The first Puerto Rican flag, symbol used at El Grito De Lares uprising.
A few weeks before the scheduled date for the Lares uprising, Betances sailed to Puerto Rico from the island of Española (Haiti and Dominican Republic) on a ship filled weapons and ammunition for the battle.
Unfortunately, the revolutionaries were betrayed by an informant in the group. As the schooner approached the Port of Arecibo with the much-needed cargo Betances and his crew found themselves surrounded by Spanish warships. After their apprehension Betances was exiled to France.
But Betances was unstoppable. Between 1869-1870, he visited Haiti with Jose A. Basora, a fellow leader of Puerto Rico’s Revolutionary Committee. The two prominent Puerto Rican figures met with Haitian revolutionary leaders in an effort to collaborate for their mutual quest.
Ramón Emeterio Betances’ mausoleum located in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico.
In the truest internationalist spirit, despite the failure of the 1868 Grito De Lares uprising, Betances traveled throughout the Caribbean forging relations with Cuban, Haitian, Dominican and Jamaican revolutionaries. He was not deterred from playing a role to create a united federation of the Greater Antilles, a force capable of challenging the colonizing powers as the Haitian Revolution had envisioned.
Weeks before his death and shortly after the U.S. military invasion on November 16, 1898, Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances stated “I do not want to see Puerto Rico colonized by Spain nor the United States.”
De todas las figuras revolucionarias en la historia de la lucha anticolonial de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX, la del Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances es la de mayor significado. Es una de las figuras revolucionarias más reconocidas de la historia del Caribe y América Latina.
Las convicciones de Ramón Emeterio Betances proporcionaron una hoja de ruta para la futura generación de revolucionarios. El Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos y el Partido Nacionalista, Arturo Alfonso Schomberg, el Partido Socialista Puertorriqueño, el Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño, Los Macheteros, los Young Lords y otros más, cumplieron con las debidas tradiciones en la lucha de liberación nacional firmemente establecidas por él. Hoy Betances es considerado Padre de la Nación Puertorriqueña.
Esta figura legendaria ostentó varios títulos y profesiones, que utilizó como activos al servicio de la lucha por la liberación. Fue poeta, novelista, periodista, administrador de salud pública, higienista social, médico, cirujano, oftalmólogo, científico, diplomático, político, además de un líder abolicionista y revolucionario.
Dr. Ramon Emeterio Betances
En los años de formación, el joven Ramón fue educado por un tutor privado. Cuando Betances tenía 17 años, su padre lo envió a estudiar a la Facultad de Medicina de Montpellier en París, Francia. Fue allí donde terminó la carrera de Medicina y Cirugía.
Durante su estancia en Francia, Ramon Emeterio Betances estuvo influenciado por el levantamiento revolucionario de 1948 que existía en Europa. Este período de agitación histórica donde tanto la Monarquía como la Iglesia Católica Romana estaban perdiendo control político a medida que las masas se rebelaban contra ellas.
Mi retrato del Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances. 24″ X 30″, pintura acrílica sobre lienzo.
A su regreso a Puerto Rico, Betances abrió su práctica médica. Como médico y humanista, sentía empatía por el sufrimiento humano del que fue testigo.
Durante la epidemia de cólera de 1856, Betances se enfrentó desafiantemente con funcionarios coloniales en la ciudad de Mayagüez, arriesgándose a ser arrestado, porque priorizaba la atención médica para los esclavos africanos y los pobres sobre los soldados y oficiales colonizadores españoles, quienes también estaban infectados por la enfermedad mortal generalizada.
Influencia de la revolución haitiana de 1804
Betances desarrolló gradualmente un desprecio hacia la tiranía extranjera. Fue influenciado por la tormenta revolucionaria de ideas en Francia, pero profundamente impactado por la audacia de la Revolución Haitiana.
El ejemplo militante del pueblo haitiano fue un faro de esperanza e inspiración para los pueblos esclavizados y colonizados en todo el Caribe, África y Estados Unidos, similar a lo que ocurrió con la Unión Soviética en la primera parte de su historia. Como resultado, Betances se vio motivado a participar activamente en el movimiento clandestino por la independencia y la abolición de la esclavitud.
Banderas haitianas y puertorriqueñas.
Los líderes haitianos entendieron bastante bien la necesidad y los beneficios para los pueblos oprimidos de diferentes tierras de forjar la unidad si quieren sobrevivir al ataque de las potencias colonizadoras. Éste fue un rasgo de la perspectiva revolucionaria haitiana que resultó más atractivo para Betances.
En colaboración con su compañero revolucionario Segundo Ruiz Belvis y otros, Betances dirigió un esfuerzo organizativo para crear el Comité Revolucionario, una organización dedicada a la lucha por la independencia y la abolición de la esclavitud mediante la preparación para la revolución. La organización de estos comités fue más importante en las áreas de Puerto Rico donde se concentraban los esclavos africanos y otros sectores oprimidos de la población.
Monumento en Lares, PR dedicado a Ramón Emeterio Betances.
Betances se convirtió en la figura central del movimiento que provocó el Grito de Lares de 1868, un levantamiento que intentó derrocar el colonialismo español. El Grito De Lares también afirmó la existencia de la Nación Puertorriqueña.
Fue con el entusiasmo del momento mientras los revolucionarios puertorriqueños se preparaban para librar una batalla armada contra el colonialismo español cuando Betances y Mariana Bracetti, líder del movimiento y costurera profesional, colaboraron para crear la primera bandera puertorriqueña.
La primera bandera puertorriqueña, símbolo utilizado en el levantamiento de El Grito De Lares.
Unas semanas antes de la fecha prevista para el levantamiento de Lares, Betances zarpó hacia Puerto Rico desde la isla Española (Haití y República Dominicana) en un barco cargado de armas y municiones para la batalla.
Desafortunadamente, los revolucionarios fueron traicionados por un informante del grupo. Cuando la goleta se acercaba al puerto de Arecibo con la carga necesaria, Betances y su tripulación se encontraron rodeados por buques de guerra españoles. Tras su aprehensión, Betances fue exiliado a Francia.
Pero Betances era imparable. Entre 1869 y 1870, Betances visitó Haití con José A. Basora, otro líder del Comité Revolucionario de Puerto Rico. Las dos prominentes figuras puertorriqueñas se reunieron con líderes revolucionarios haitianos en un esfuerzo por colaborar en su búsqueda mutua.
Mausoleo de Ramón Emeterio Betances ubicado en Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico.
Con el más auténtico espíritu internacionalista, a pesar del fracaso del levantamiento del Grito de Lares de 1868, Betances viajó por todo el Caribe forjando relaciones con revolucionarios cubanos, haitianos, dominicanos y jamaiquinos. Se vio disuadido de desempeñar un papel en la creación de una federación unida de las Antillas Mayores, una fuerza capaz de desafiar a las potencias colonizadoras como lo había previsto la Revolución haitiana.
Semanas antes de su muerte y poco después de la invasión militar estadounidense el 16 de noviembre de 1898, el Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances afirmó “No quiero ver a Puerto Rico colonizado por España ni por Estados Unidos”.
I have enjoyed painting the portraits of revolutionary figures for several decades, as well as images of loved ones of folks who commissioned me. But now, I undertook a project quite personal, I painted a 24” X 30” acrylic canvas portrait of my mother, Rosa Maria Barretto-Rovira. Doing her portrait was not easy, it was emotionally challenging.
My mother was a proud Puerto Rican woman who was never mistaken about our identity. Nor was she ever confused about what side we were on in the anti-colonial struggle.
In 1949, my mother was compelled to leave Puerto Rico in search of a better life. She was among the 63,000 people per year forced to migrate due to economic hardships created by U.S. colonial policy. This exodus took place between the end of World War II and the 1960’s.
Doña Rosa, as what many community folks called her, worked as a stitcher in NYC’s Garment District. She was a member of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU). When having chats with her friends she would brag about work stoppages she partook.
I remember when at just 8 years old hearing my mother tell one of my schoolteachers: “We want our independence.” She referred to Puerto Rico. Eventually, that conversation had a profound impact on me.
At the height of the repressive McCarthy Era, my mother along with my father, Carlos M. Rovira, Sr., were members of a NYC based secret committee, part of the banned Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico.
This committee served as a rear guard to support the Party politically and financially. It functioned under the leadership of Don Julio Pinto Gandia, a confidant of the Nationalist leader, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos.
My parents were superintendents of a tenement building on Broom Street in the Lower East Side, where quite often they held fundraising events in the basement. The money raised was used to benefit the efforts of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party.
This well-hidden story was revealed to me when I became an adult, by elders who were also members of the secret Nationalist committee.
It is no wonder why Doña Rosa supported the Young Lords and my decision to join them at 14 years old. In 1969 during the Young Lords takeover of the First Spanish Methodist Church in El Barrio (East Harlem), she was among supporters who mobilized to provide us with food and other necessities during the occupation.
Today, I’m proud knowing who my mother was. I shall always cherish the contributions she made to my personal development. From the time I was a child she taught me never to allow being bullied and to strike back whenever someone laid their hands on me. If my mother were to hear the opposite as she instructed, I was punished.
Her sacrifices as a mother, under difficult circumstances are unforgettable. Her life was not easy due to harsh experiences in Puerto Rico and the racism she encountered as an immigrant woman of color who hardly spoke English.
My dear mother’s examples of character and conviction are reasons why I vow to always pay homage to her and continue raising the banner of national liberation. If there is such a thing as “life after death,” I want her to know that I will always love her very much.
Below is a worth reading essay written by New Era Young Lords (NEYL) leader Suby Torro on key aspects of Puerto Rican history which the white supremacist enemies of Critical Race Theory would prefer us not learn. I applaud the efforts of anyone who aims to challenge oppression by passionately confronting what has become in this society the consequence of intellectual theft. We must have a disposition throughout our lives of wanting to learn traditions of resistance that ultimately lead to a decisive struggle for national liberation.
Carlos “Carlito” Rovira
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A Case of Historical Amnesia
By Suby Toro
Colonialism has a long and complex history, and its impact on the lives of colonized peoples is often profound and enduring. But as the Puerto Rican scholar, Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, once said, ‘There is a curious thing about history. It is the struggle for truth against historical amnesia. Historical amnesia is the process by which history is forgotten, distorted, or manipulated for political purposes. Historical amnesia is particularly relevant to the experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine, two countries that have been subjected to prolonged periods of colonial domination and exploitation. In both cases, the histories of these countries have been obscured and manipulated by colonial powers, leading to a kind of historical amnesia that has had far-reaching consequences for their development and identity.
Colonialism has had a profound impact on both Puerto Rico and Palestine, with the colonial powers seeking to impose their own cultures and identities on the indigenous populations and causing significant population displacement. In both cases, resistance movements have emerged to challenge the colonial powers, with the Puerto Rican independence movement and the Palestinian liberation movement fighting for self-determination and independence.
The specific experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine differ in some ways, with Puerto Rico having been a Spanish colony for over 400 years before being ceded to the United States, while Palestine has been occupied and controlled by various foreign powers for centuries, most recently by Israel since 1948.
In 1948, Palestinians were pushed into “refugee camps” in their own country by the Zionist Israeli government.
Despite these differences, the two countries share a common experience of colonialism and resistance, and the ongoing struggles for self-determination in both Puerto Rico and Palestine have garnered international attention and support. Puerto Rico and Palestine have much in common, and the struggles for self-determination in both countries have resonated with people around the world. From the resistance movements to the suppression of national identity and cultural heritage, these countries have both faced significant challenges and obstacles as they strive for independence and recognition.
U.S. troops marching through San Juan, P.R. during the 1898 invasion.
In both countries, the colonial powers have used military force to maintain their control and suppress resistance movements. In Puerto Rico, the U.S. military has maintained a presence on the island for over a century and has been involved in various military actions to maintain its control. Similarly, in Palestine, the Israeli military has been involved in numerous military operations and incursions into Palestinian territory, often resulting in civilian casualties and displacement. Despite the differences in the specific context and tactics used by the colonial powers, the use of military force has been a common feature of the colonial experience in both Puerto Rico and Palestine and has had a lasting impact on the lives of the people in these countries.
The colonial experience in Puerto Rico and Palestine has been marked by violent incidents and massacres that have taken a heavy toll on the people in both countries. From the Ponce Massacre in Puerto Rico, in which the U.S. military opened fire on peaceful protesters, to the al-Tira massacre in Palestine, in which Jewish militants killed several dozen Palestinians, and the Jayuya Uprising in Puerto Rico, in which Puerto Rican nationalists clashed with the U.S. government, these incidents highlight the brutal and violent nature of colonialism, and the lasting impact it has had on the people of these countries.
The consequences of these violent incidents have been far-reaching and long-lasting. They have contributed to a deep mistrust and resentment towards the colonial powers in both Puerto Rico and Palestine and have fueled ongoing resistance movements. They have also had a lasting impact on the people who have experienced them firsthand, whether as victims or witnesses, and have left scars on the collective memory and identity of these countries. Despite the passage of time, these incidents continue to shape the political and social landscape of Puerto Rico and Palestine and are an important part of their colonial histories.
The violent incidents of the colonial experience in Puerto Rico and Palestine have had a lasting impact on the political landscape of both countries, contributing to the growth and development of resistance movements and political ideologies. In Puerto Rico, the Ponce Massacre and the Jayuya Uprising were important moments in the growth of the Puerto Rican independence movement, and they helped to shape the movement’s political and ideological orientation. Over time, different factions within the movement have emerged, each with its own strategy for achieving independence. In Palestine, the experience of violence and repression under Israeli occupation has fueled the growth of the Palestinian liberation movement, with different factions advocating for different approaches to achieving their goals, ranging from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance. The resistance movements in Puerto Rico and Palestine have had a profound and lasting impact on their people, fostering a strong sense of national identity and cultural pride, and providing a beacon of hope and resilience in the face of adversity. These movements have helped to preserve and celebrate their countries’ rich cultural heritage and have provided a sense of unity and solidarity among their people, ensuring that their stories and experiences are not forgotten.
While the United States’ relationship with Puerto Rico may not be as overtly violent as Israel’s relationship with Palestine today, it is still characterized by a power imbalance and a legacy of colonialism. The United States has historically exerted significant economic and political influence over Puerto Rico, shaping its economic and political landscape in ways that continue to impact the island today. While the U.S. government may not be resorting to the same levels of violence as Israel does in Palestine, the subtle and systemic forms of domination and control it exerts over Puerto Rico are no less harmful. This includes ongoing economic exploitation, the imposition of colonial policies that prioritize the interests of the United States over those of Puerto Rico, and the denial of full political rights and representation to Puerto Ricans.
One example of economic exploitation in Puerto Rico is the Jones Act, a U.S. law that requires all goods shipped to the island to be transported on U.S.-flagged vessels. This has severely limited Puerto Rico’s ability to compete in the global marketplace and has driven up the cost of goods on the island. In addition, the U.S. government has imposed austerity measures on Puerto Rico in recent years, resulting in deep cuts to social programs and public services, which have had a devastating impact on the island’s most vulnerable populations.
These policies have contributed to Puerto Rico’s ongoing economic crisis and have exacerbated the island’s already high levels of poverty and inequality, leading to widespread discontent and protest among the people of Puerto Rico. While the specific contexts and histories of Puerto Rico and Palestine may differ, there are some striking similarities in the ways that both countries have been impacted by colonial powers. In Palestine, economic exploitation and political control have been key elements of Israel’s occupation, contributing to widespread poverty and inequality in the Palestinian territories.
Just as the Jones Act has hindered Puerto Rico’s economic development, Israel’s policies have restricted Palestinian trade and economic growth, limiting the Palestinian economy’s ability to thrive. Similarly, the austerity measures imposed by the U.S. government in Puerto Rico have been mirrored by Israel’s ongoing blockade of Gaza, which has had a devastating impact on the livelihoods of Palestinians living in the territory.
As we continue to explore the parallels between Puerto Rico and Palestine, it is important to consider the ways in which their experiences of colonialism have shaped their political and social realities. The next section of this article will examine the impact of colonialism on the political systems and institutions in both countries, and the resistance movements that have emerged to challenge these structures.
In Puerto Rico, the island’s political status as a U.S. territory has left it in a state of limbo, with its residents unable to fully participate in the U.S. political system. While Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, they are not represented in Congress and cannot vote in presidential elections, leaving them with little say in the policies that affect their daily lives. In Palestine, the Israeli occupation has severely curtailed Palestinian self-determination and sovereignty. The Israeli government controls most aspects of Palestinian life, including the movement of people and goods, the allocation of resources, and the administration of justice. This has led to a sense of frustration and alienation among Palestinians, who feel that their rights are being violated and their needs are not being met.
The unique political circumstances of Puerto Rico and Palestine have left their residents in a precarious position, where they lack full representation and self-determination. In Puerto Rico, the island’s status as a U.S. territory has led to limited political participation for its citizens, while in Palestine, the Israeli occupation has severely restricted the Palestinian people’s ability to control their own destiny. Both situations have resulted in a sense of disenfranchisement and frustration, as the people of these countries struggle to have their voices heard and their needs met.
In Palestine, the Palestinian liberation movement has emerged as a response to the Israeli occupation and the ongoing denial of Palestinian rights. This movement has sought to resist Israeli control and assert Palestinian self-determination, using a range of strategies and approaches that reflect the unique history and culture of Palestine. The Puerto Rico independence movement has emerged in response to the island’s status as a U.S. territory and the resulting lack of full political representation for its citizens. This movement has sought to challenge U.S. control and assert Puerto Rican sovereignty, using strategies and approaches that draw on the island’s rich history and culture.
In Palestine, the Palestinian liberation movement has relied on a range of strategies, including nonviolent protests, grassroots organizing, and political advocacy. These approaches have helped to build international support for the Palestinian cause, and have helped to draw attention to the ongoing injustices faced by the Palestinian people. In Puerto Rico, the independence movement has also used a variety of strategies, including protests, civil disobedience, and political activism. These approaches have helped to build support for Puerto Rican sovereignty and have challenged the U.S. government’s narrative of Puerto Rico as a contented and loyal territory. Both movements have also sought to build solidarity with other resistance movements around the world, recognizing the shared challenges and struggles faced by oppressed peoples.
These resistance movements have had a significant impact on the political and social landscapes of their respective countries. They have helped to shift public discourse, challenge dominant narratives, and build support for their causes. In some cases, they have also contributed to concrete changes in policy and practice, such as the release of political prisoners or the provision of basic services. However, the road to justice and self-determination has been long and difficult, and both the Palestinian and Puerto Rican people continue to face significant challenges and obstacles. Nevertheless, their resistance movements have provided a powerful example of the capacity of oppressed peoples to organize, resist, and advocate for their rights, even in the face of overwhelming odds.
Unfortunately, the media often focuses on the negative aspects of resistance movements, emphasizing acts of violence or extremism and ignoring the peaceful and constructive work that many of these movements do. This can lead to a distorted understanding of the goals and methods of resistance movements and can make it more difficult for them to gain public support and legitimacy. This tendency is particularly damaging when it comes to resistance movements that are challenging the status quo and advocating for radical change, as they are often painted as dangerous or subversive. This can be a tactic used by those in power to discredit and delegitimize these movements, and to maintain the status quo.
It is important to recognize the role that media bias and misinformation can play in shaping public perceptions of resistance movements, and to seek out alternative sources of information that provide a more balanced and nuanced understanding of their goals and strategies. Resistance movements have the power to challenge dominant narratives and offer alternative visions of the future, but their impact is often overlooked or forgotten due to historical amnesia. This phenomenon, in which the struggles and achievements of marginalized groups are erased or minimized in dominant historical narratives, can contribute to a lack of understanding and appreciation of the role that resistance movements have played in shaping the world we live in today.
By recognizing the impact of historical amnesia and seeking out more complete and nuanced understandings of the past, we can gain a deeper appreciation of the complex and multifaceted nature of political struggle, and the ways in which resistance movements have challenged injustice and created a better world.
In the early 20th century, a diverse group of activists in Puerto Rico emerged to challenge the island’s colonial status under U.S. control. Led by nationalists, socialists, and feminists, the independence movement used a variety of tactics, including protests, civil disobedience, and political organizing, to raise awareness about Puerto Rico’s lack of sovereignty and advocate for self-determination. Despite facing significant challenges, these activists were able to build a strong and sustained movement that brought attention to the island’s colonial status and helped to shift public opinion. However, their accomplishments have often been overlooked in dominant historical narratives, which have tended to focus on Puerto Rico’s economic and political relationship with the United States, rather than the struggles of its people for self-determination.
Similarly, in Palestine, a resistance movement has emerged to challenge Israeli occupation and advocate for Palestinian rights. This movement has used a variety of tactics, including nonviolent protests, grassroots organizing, and political advocacy, to resist the Israeli government’s control and assert Palestinian self-determination. The Palestinian liberation movement has built a strong and sustained movement that has garnered international support and helped to bring attention to the ongoing injustices faced by the Palestinian people. However, their accomplishments have also been overlooked in dominant historical narratives, which have tended to focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a military conflict, rather than a struggle for justice and self-determination.
The tendency to emphasize militant or extremist organizations while minimizing the achievements of nonviolent resistance movements is not unique to Palestine. The same phenomenon has been observed in Puerto Rico, where the independence movement has often been portrayed as violent or extremist, despite its largely peaceful and nonviolent nature.
Media coverage not only misrepresents the true nature of resistance movements in both countries, but it also reinforces harmful stereotypes and misconceptions about the people who are involved in them. It is important to recognize the ways in which media bias and misinformation can shape public perceptions of resistance movements, and to seek out more balanced and nuanced coverage that acknowledges the diversity of perspectives and approaches within these movements. Addressing media bias and misinformation requires a multifaceted approach that involves not only journalists and media organizations, but also the general public. One key solution is to increase media literacy and critical thinking skills, so that people are better equipped to identify and evaluate bias in news coverage. Another solution is to support independent and alternative media outlets that provide more nuanced and balanced coverage of resistance movements and other political issues.
At an individual level, people can also get involved by promoting responsible media practices, such as seeking out multiple perspectives, avoiding sensationalism, and amplifying marginalized voices. Additionally, people can support media organizations and journalists who are committed to ethical and accurate reporting and hold those who fall short of these standards accountable. By working together to promote responsible media coverage, we can help to ensure that the stories of resistance movements are told accurately and fairly.
Despite the challenges that resistance movements in Puerto Rico and Palestine have faced, they have been resilient in their efforts to preserve their cultural heritage and promote their languages, symbols, and traditions. In Puerto Rico, activists have worked to promote the use of Spanish, the island’s spoken language, and to preserve the island’s unique cultural traditions, such as the bomba and plena music styles, which were born out of the island’s African heritage.
In Palestine, activists have sought to reclaim and celebrate Palestinian cultural symbols, such as the keffiyeh, which has become a symbol of resistance and Palestinian identity. They have also worked to preserve Palestinian traditional foods, music, and art, as well as the Arabic language, which is an important part of Palestinian cultural heritage.
The cultural similarities and influences that exist between Puerto Rico and Palestine are not limited to their shared experiences of colonial oppression. In fact, the histories of both countries are deeply intertwined with the history of Arab and Moorish influence in southern Europe and the Mediterranean region.
The Moors, who were an Arab-Berber Muslim people, ruled over large parts of southern Europe and North Africa for centuries, and their influence can be seen in the architecture, language, and culture of many countries in the region, including Spain and Puerto Rico.
For example, the Spanish language has many words and expressions that are derived from Arabic, including words for common foods, such as “arroz” (rice) and “azúcar” (sugar), as well as many common phrases and idioms. Similarly, the architecture of Puerto Rico, with its iconic fortresses and palaces, reflects the Moorish influence that was brought to the island by the Spanish conquerors. While the Moorish influence is more pronounced in Puerto Rico due to its history as a Spanish colony, there are still cultural similarities between Puerto Rico and Palestine that can be traced back to their shared Arab and Mediterranean heritage.
Both Puerto Rican and Palestinian cuisine, for example, feature dishes that are centered around rice, vegetables, and spices like cumin and paprika. Similarly, both cultures have a rich tradition of folk music and dance, with Puerto Rican Bomba and Plena and Palestinian Dabke sharing a common emphasis on rhythmic drumming and synchronized group movements. These cultural similarities speak to the deep and complex connections that exist between different countries and cultures, and how they can persist even across great distances and despite differences in historical experience.
While the experiences of Puerto Rico and Palestine have diverged due to their different colonial histories, they are united by their shared experiences of oppression and resistance. Both countries have faced the effects of colonization and foreign domination, and their citizens have resisted these forces through a variety of means, from political organizing and protest to cultural preservation and expression.
Despite the differences in their specific circumstances, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine for self-determination and autonomy are linked by a common thread of resistance to oppression and a desire for justice and freedom. By recognizing these similarities, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complex and interconnected nature of struggles for liberation around the world. Both Puerto Rico and Palestine, the flag have been a potent symbol of resistance against colonial domination. However, the right to display and fly these flags has been contested and suppressed by the dominant powers in each country.
In Palestine, Israeli authorities have attempted to ban the display of Palestinian flags in public spaces, viewing them as a threat to Israel’s security and sovereignty. This suppression has been met with fierce resistance from Palestinian activists and citizens, who view the flag as a symbol of their national identity and a tool for asserting their rights. Similarly, in Puerto Rico, the US government has attempted to suppress the use of the Puerto Rican flag through a series of laws and regulations. These include the infamous ‘gag law,’ which made it illegal to display the Puerto Rican flag or express support for independence from the US.
Colonial occupation is a reality shared by Palestinians and Puerto Ricans.
Despite these attempts at suppression, the flags of Puerto Rico and Palestine continue to be a powerful symbol of resistance for their respective people. Activists in both countries have fought back against attempts to ban or restrict the display of their flags, viewing these efforts as a violation of their right to freedom of expression and a form of political repression. The struggle for the right to display these flags is not just about a piece of cloth or a national symbol, but also about the larger issues of self-determination and sovereignty that are at stake in both Puerto Rico and Palestine. By defending their right to display and fly their flags, the people of these countries are asserting their right to determine their own futures and to resist attempts at domination and oppression.
As readers, we have a responsibility to understand and support the struggles of the people of Puerto Rico and Palestine for self-determination and sovereignty. The suppression of their flags is not just a symbolic issue, but a concrete manifestation of the ongoing attempts to deny them their rights and dignity. By standing in solidarity with the people of Puerto Rico and Palestine, we can help to challenge the dominant narratives that seek to erase or minimize their struggles, and to build a more just and equitable world. As allies, we must listen to and amplify the voices of these communities, and work to dismantle the systems of oppression that seek to silence them. In doing so, we can help to create a world where all people have the right to determine their own futures, and where symbols of national pride and identity are not suppressed or stigmatized but celebrated and cherished.
The struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine are not isolated incidents, but part of a larger global movement for justice and self-determination. From indigenous peoples fighting for the rights to their lands and cultures, to communities struggling against economic exploitation and environmental degradation, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine are part of a larger struggle for a more just and equitable world. By learning from and supporting these struggles, we can gain a greater understanding of the interconnected nature of global injustice, and the ways in which different forms of oppression and exploitation are linked.
Moreover, the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine can serve as an inspiration and model for other oppressed communities around the world, showing that resistance and resilience are possible in the face of overwhelming odds. By learning from the experiences of these communities, we can build a more effective and united movement for justice and self-determination around the world. Of course, this is all assuming that we can remember our history in the first place. Unfortunately, it seems that many of us suffer from a severe case of historical amnesia, where we conveniently forget about the struggles and sacrifices of past generations. But don’t worry, we’ll be sure to remember all the important stuff, like the name of the latest celebrity scandal or the score of the big game. Priorities, right?
One way to combat historical amnesia is through education and media. By learning about the history and struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine, and by consuming media that promotes a more accurate and balanced understanding of these issues, we can help to challenge dominant narratives and stereotypes. This means seeking out sources that are independent and unbiased, and that reflect the diversity of perspectives and experiences within these communities. It also means engaging critically with the media we consume, and questioning the assumptions and biases that may be baked into it. By doing so, we can help to create a more informed and engaged public, and to challenge the idea that these struggles are somehow irrelevant or insignificant. And who knows, maybe we’ll even remember some of this stuff the next time we’re asked to name the latest TikTok star.
Building alliances and coalitions across different communities and movements is also crucial in promoting understanding and support for the struggles of Puerto Rico and Palestine. By working together with other groups and organizations that share similar goals and values, activists and advocates can amplify their message and create a more powerful and effective movement.
This might involve collaborating with groups that are working on similar issues in other parts of the world, or with movements that are focused on broader issues of social justice and human rights. Through these alliances and coalitions, activists and advocates can create a more comprehensive and intersectional approach to promoting justice and equity and can help to break down the barriers that have historically divided different communities and movements.
Many organizations have been doing vital work to support and advocate for Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities in the United States, and it is important to recognize and support their efforts. One such organization is the Young Lords, a Puerto Rican organization in the Diaspora that has been working to support Puerto Ricans both in the United States and on the island through projects such as Back to Borikén. Another organization doing important work is Danza Fiesta, a New York-based Puerto Rican folkloric dance theater company. In the Palestinian community, the Palestinian American Community Center (PACC) and Al-Shabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network have been providing essential services and advocating for Palestinian rights and self-determination. The work of organizations like the Young Lords, Danza Fiesta, PACC, and Al-Shabaka is not only essential in promoting the rights and interests of their respective communities, but also in building solidarity and alliances across different movements and communities.
By working together and sharing resources and strategies, these organizations are able to create a stronger and more unified front against injustice and oppression. This type of cross-movement solidarity is critical in promoting positive change and serves as a powerful example of how communities can come together to support one another and create a more just and equitable society. The Young Lords, for example, have been consistently visiting Puerto Rico every 6 to 8 months, demonstrating their commitment to building a sustained and long-term connection between the diaspora and the homeland. Through these visits, the Young Lords have been able to engage with the local community, build relationships, and gain a deeper understanding of the issues facing Puerto Ricans on the island. The work of organizations such as the Young Lords, who have been consistently visiting Puerto Rico and engaging with the local community, demonstrates the importance of sustained effort and long-term commitment in building bridges across communities.
In addition, other organizations have been using cultural exchange programs and community-building initiatives to foster connections and understanding between different communities, helping to build a more comprehensive and cohesive movement for justice and self-determination. Similarly, Palestinian organizations have been engaging in cross-community collaboration and solidarity-building efforts. For example, the Palestinian American Community Center (PACC) has been hosting cultural exchange programs and educational events that bring together Palestinians and non-Palestinians to learn about each other’s cultures and experiences. These initiatives serve as a powerful example of how different communities can come together to support one another and work towards a common goal of justice and self-determination.
Surveillance and repression by government agencies have been a persistent challenge for both Puerto Rican and Palestinian organizations in the United States. The Young Lords, for example, were subjected to intense surveillance and repression by the FBI during their heyday in the 1960s and 1970s, while Palestinian organizations in the U.S. have been targeted by government agencies for their advocacy on behalf of Palestinian rights and self-determination.
Despite these obstacles, both communities have continued to work tirelessly to achieve their goals, demonstrating the power of cross-community solidarity and the importance of working together to overcome shared challenges. The work of Puerto Rican and Palestinian organizations in the United States is not only important for the communities they serve, but also for the broader movements for justice and equality around the world.
These communities have faced decades of colonization, displacement, and repression, and their struggles are interconnected with those of other marginalized communities around the globe. By working together and sharing strategies and resources, they are able to build a stronger and more unified front against oppression and injustice. The example set by these organizations serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of solidarity and collaboration in the struggle for a more just and equitable future.
As individuals, there are many ways we can support the work of organizations like the Young Lords and PACC. We can attend their events and workshops, volunteer our time and skills, or donate to support their efforts. Additionally, we can stay informed about these issues by reading and sharing news articles, participating in online discussions, and talking with friends and family about the struggles of Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities. By taking these small steps, we can make a significant impact and contribute to the larger movements for justice and equality.
In addition to the political and organizational efforts, both Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities have a rich cultural heritage that has played a central role in their struggles for self-determination. From the murals and graffiti of the Young Lords to the poetry and music of Palestinian artists, art and cultural expression have been used as powerful tools of resistance and as a means of preserving community identity and history. These cultural expressions are often intertwined with the work of organizations like the Young Lords and PACC, serving as a means of inspiring and empowering the communities they serve.
One notable example of the intersection between art and social justice in the Puerto Rican community is the work of poet Pedro Pietri. Pietri was a founding member of the Nuyorican Poets Cafe, a cultural center that has served as a hub for Puerto Rican artists and activists in New York City. Through his poetry, Pietri challenged dominant narratives and stereotypes about Puerto Ricans, and used his platform to give voice to the struggles and experiences of his community. His work served as an inspiration for a generation of Puerto Rican artists and activists and continues to be influential today.
Sliman Mansour is a renowned Palestinian artist and activist who has used his work to challenge dominant narratives and give voice to the Palestinian experience. Like Pedro Pietri, Mansour’s work has inspired his community and served as a powerful example of how art can be used as a tool for resistance. For the Palestinian people, Mansour’s work holds special significance, as it reflects their struggles and aspirations for freedom and self-determination.
Both Pietri and Mansour’s work demonstrates the universal power of art to inspire and mobilize communities in the struggle for social justice and highlights the shared experiences of marginalized communities around the world. Artists like Pietri and Mansour remind us of the power of art and culture to shape our understanding of social justice issues, and to inspire and mobilize communities in the struggle for a more just and equitable world.
Their work serves as a testament to the importance of amplifying marginalized voices and perspectives and highlights the importance of cross-community solidarity and collaboration in the struggle for social justice. As we’ve seen, the struggles and experiences of the Puerto Rican and Palestinian communities are deeply interconnected, despite what some might call “historical amnesia” (but let’s not dwell on that — we’re all about moving forward here). By coming together, sharing resources, and amplifying one another’s voices, these communities have shown that solidarity and collaboration are powerful tools in the fight for social justice. And who knows — maybe they’ll inspire others to follow suit. Because, as they say, two heads (or communities) are better than one!
PS: To the Puerto Rican community — let’s keep waking up and recognizing the connections between our struggles and those of our brothers and sisters around the world. By doing so, we can build a stronger, more united movement for justice and equality.” Free Palestine Free, Puerto Rico.
Below is a statement made by El Hajj Malik El Shabazz, Malcolm X condemning imperialism’s barbaric treatment of the Palestinian people. His remarks came at a time when Malcolm X began to understand the depths of the imperialist system and the commonalities between the Black liberation struggle and all oppressed people.
Malcolm’s defiant disposition then reflected the indisputable reality of Palestinians, horrors that continued to intensify to this day. Malcolm’s own experiences with racist oppression as an African American allowed him the ability to see through the ocean of lies used to preserve the U.S.-backed Israeli occupation of Palestine.
-Carlos “Carlito” Rovira
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This was originally published in “The Egyptian Gazette,” Sept. 17, 1964:
PALESTINE DOESN’T BELONG TO WESTERN IMPERIALIST
By Malcolm X
The Zionist armies that now occupy Palestine claim their ancient Jewish prophets predicted that in the “last days of this world” their own God would raise them up a “messiah,” who would lead them to their promised land, and they would set up their own “divine” government in this newly gained land. This “divine” government would enable them to “rule all other nations with a rod of iron.”
If the Israeli Zionists believe their present occupation of Arab Palestine is the fulfillment of predictions made by their Jewish prophets, then they also religiously believe that Israel must fulfill its “divine” mission to rule all other nations with a rod of iron, which only means a different form of iron-like rule, more firmly entrenched even than that of the former European Colonial Powers.
These Israeli Zionists religiously believe their Jewish God has chosen them to replace the outdated European colonialism with a new form of colonialism, so well disguised that it will enable them to deceive the African masses into submitting willingly to their “divine” authority and guidance, without the African masses being aware that they are still colonized.
Camouflage
The Israeli Zionists are convinced they have successfully camouflaged their new kind of colonialism. Their colonialism appears to be more “benevolent,” more “philanthropic,” a system with which they rule simply by getting their potential victims to accept their friendly offers of economic “aid” and other tempting gifts that they dangle in front of the newly independent African nations, whose economies are experiencing great difficulties. During the 19th century, when the masses here in Africa were largely illiterate, it was easy for European imperialists to rule them with “force and fear.” But in this present era of enlightenment, the African masses are awakening, and it is impossible to hold them in check now with the antiquated methods of the 19th century.
The imperialists, therefore, have been compelled to devise new methods. Since they can no longer force or frighten the masses into submission, they must devise modern methods that will enable them to maneuver the African masses into willing submission.
The modern 20th century weapon of neo-imperialism is “dollarism.” The Zionists have mastered the science of dollarism: the ability to come posing as a friend and benefactor, bearing gifts and all other forms of economic aid and offers of technical assistance. Thus, the power and influence of Zionist Israel in many of the newly “independent” African nations has fast become even more unshakeable than that of the 18th century European colonialists … and this new kind of Zionist colonialism differs only in form and method, but never in motive or objective.
Portraits I made of two revolutionary figures, Laila Khaled and Malcolm X. Each of these portraits are 24″ X 30″, acrylic paint on canvas.
At the close of the 19th century, when European imperialists wisely foresaw that the awakening masses of Africa would not submit to their old method of ruling through force and fear, these ever-scheming imperialists had to create a “new weapon” and to find a “new base” for that weapon.
Dollarism
The number one weapon of 20th century imperialism is Zionist dollarism, and one of the main bases for this weapon is Zionist Israel. The ever-scheming European imperialists wisely placed Israel where she could geographically divide the Arab world, infiltrate, and sow the seed of dissension among African leaders and also divide the Africans against the Asians.
Zionist Israel’s occupation of Arab Palestine has forced the Arab world to waste billions of precious dollars on armaments, making it impossible for these newly independent Arab nations to concentrate on strengthening the economies of their countries and elevate the living standard of their people.
LONG LIVE THE PALESTINIAN RESISTANCE!
And the continued low standard of living in the Arab world has been skillfully used by the Zionist propagandists to make it appear to the Africans that the Arab leaders are not intellectually or technically qualified to lift the living standard of their people … thus, indirectly inducing Africans to turn away from the Arabs and towards the Israelis for teachers and technical assistance.
“They cripple the bird’s wing, and then condemn it for not flying as fast as they.”
The imperialists always make themselves look good, but it is only because they are competing against economically crippled newly independent countries whose economies are actually crippled by the Zionist-capitalist conspiracy. They can’t stand against fair competition; thus, they dread Gamal Abdul Nasser’s call for African-Arab Unity under Socialism.
Messiah?
If the “religious” claim of the Zionists is true that they were to be led to the promised land by their messiah, and Israel’s present occupation of Arab Palestine is the fulfillment of that prophesy, where is their messiah whom their prophets said would get the credit for leading them there? It was [United Nations mediator] Ralph Bunche who “negotiated” the Zionists into possession of Occupied Palestine! Is Ralph Bunche the messiah of Zionism? If Ralph Bunche is not their messiah, and their messiah has not yet come, then what are they doing in Palestine ahead of their messiah?
Did the Zionists have the legal or moral right to invade Arab Palestine, uproot its Arab citizens from their homes and seize all Arab property for themselves just based on the “religious” claim that their forefathers lived there thousands of years ago? Only a thousand years ago the Moors lived in Spain. Would this give the Moors of today the legal and moral right to invade the Iberian Peninsula, drive out its Spanish citizens, and then set up a new Moroccan nation … where Spain used to be, as the European Zionists have done to our Arab brothers and sisters in Palestine?
In short, the Zionist argument to justify Israel’s present occupation of Arab Palestine has no intelligent or legal basis in history … not even in their own religion. Where is their Messiah?
In the center of the East Harlem community, also known as El Barrio, is the site of historic significance that is described by many as The People’s Church. Located at 163 East 111th Street, co-named “Young Lords Way”, on the corner of Lexington Avenue, this monumental structure is administered by the First Spanish United Methodist Church (FSUMC).
For many decades, dating back to the time of socialist Vito Marcantonio, during the 1940’s-50’s, the People’s Church stood in the midst of one of the most impoverished and repressed part of New York City. It was in that setting where this church became a symbol of the Puerto Rican diaspora’s struggles, especially after the rise of the revolutionary youth group the Young Lords.
Young Lords Way adjacent to the location of the People’s Church.
For an atheist, non-religious believer like myself, desire to keep The People’s Church open and accessible to the community makes a political statement and a direct challenge to the racist displacement inflicted against our people everywhere in this country.
Memories of events at the People’s Church in connection with the Young Lords also have sentimental/personal value to me.
It was at the People’s Church where I transcended from a boy to a man; it was there where I learned the necessity of having a fighting disposition in the liberation struggle; it was from that experience where I learned from others the virtues of teamwork, responsibility and organization.
In addition, it was at the People’s Church on December 7, 1969, at 15 years old, where I was beaten by NYPD cops, along with thirteen other Young Lords, including five women. The violent frenzy of the police on that day was encouraged by parishioners when Young Lords came to a Sunday mass service asking permission to use the space for a free breakfast program for poor children of the neighborhood.
December 28, 1969, Young Lords being arrested after their nine days siege of the People’s Church.
Since the period of intensity at the People’s Church nearly six decades ago, FSUMC representatives like Pastor Dorlimar Lebron Malave, have attempted to make amends to the community and history. Unlike church officials in the past who sided with the most backward concepts of political reaction the Reverand Dolimar Lebron Malave has introduced a positive message with progressive programs consistent with the beliefs of the Young Lords.
In recent years, various programs were established benefiting this poor, working class community, such as food pantry distributions, acupuncture treatment, exercise classes, educational film showings, and so much more. These programs are consistent with all that the Young Lords had hoped to create for the community at this small and intimate place of gathering.
A child enjoying her meal at the Young Lords Free Breakfast Program.
But now, an unfortunate circumstance has developed, due to capitalism’s unavoidable economic crisis. The people of this community may lose this oasis amid poverty and despair, due to lack of funds. The People’s Church may have to close its doors for good if it does not raise $150,000 by January 2024.
What will follow, who knows?! One does not need to be imaginative to figure out the lust of greedy developers who anxiously look for opportunities to build condominiums for the wealthy. Losing this bastion of history shall be a victory for the worst kind of gentrification while undoubtedly being a tragedy for the Black and Brown residents of this community.
Please take part in saving the People’s Church! Be part of this important and noble endeavor, by calling the People’s Church at 212-289-5690 or GoFundMe, PayPal and more: http://tr.ee/5CWwqoG25w
Below is an account written by Sister Cleo Silvers on having the honor of working with Dr. Mutulu Shakur. Cleo is a long-time healthcare activist. As a member of the Black Panther Party and later the Young Lords she organized and fought for the human right to adequate healthcare. She is a founder of the Health Revolutionary Unity Movement (HRUM) and played a leading role in the 1970 YLP takeover of Lincoln Hospital, in the South Bronx, NYC.
–Carlito Rovira
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Who Doctor Mutulu Shakur was to me
By Cleo Deborah Silvers
Doctor Mutulu Shakur is one of the most iconic and remarkable men We have had the honor of sharing space with on this Earth.
I say this because few human beings have walked the Earth who’ve made as significant a contribution to history, healthcare, and society in general as Dr. Shakur has.
Doctor Shakur was an intelligent young revolutionary brother when we met in December of 1970. It was soon after we (The Think Lincoln Committee, Health Revolutionary Unity Movement (HRUM), The Young Lords, the Black Panthers, and the Community Coalition against Drug Addiction) had occupied the sixth floor of the Lincoln Hospital Nurse’s Residence. We demanded and set up a drug detox program with the support of the medical staff.
The positive, overwhelming response from the community demonstrated the need for a drug-free detoxification program–a program that did not use Methadone (another opiate with properties similar to heroin) in the South Bronx and in Harlem, New York. When we met, he was only nineteen years old and already a critical organizer and leader in the Republic of New Africa.
Dr. Mutulu Shakur fought vigorously in the interest of the Black Community throughout his life. His commitment and effective organizing, especially in health care for poor Black and other communities of color, raised his profile and attracted the attention of the FBI counterintelligence program and local police and District Attorneys. They targeted Dr. Mutulu Shakur and framed him for crimes he did not commit. His conviction was part of a massive, sustained attack (1960s-1980s) on the U.S. revolutionary left, especially those rooted in the Black, Latino, and Native American working-class communities.
Dr. Mutulu Shakur was introduced to me by his older adopted brother, Zayd Shakur, a brilliant and respected leader in the Harlem Branch of the Black Panther Party. As a member of the Black Panther Party and a healthcare activist, I was mentored by Zayd Shakur and worked under his leadership in the BPP medical collective.
Cleo Silvers (left) at a Young Lords rally outside Lincoln Hospital.
As Director of the newly established Lincoln Detox program and strategist, as well as program planner and medical and methodology collaborator along with Dr. Steve Levin, Medical Director, I was being pulled in many directions, working almost twenty-four hours a day.
Zayd and the party’s leadership agreed that I was swamped, and Dr. Shakur could take over some of my responsibilities. I met Mutulu and, at the suggestion of his brother, interviewed him and immediately hired him to take over my position as Director of Lincoln Detox.
In the process of transferring the methodology and details of the Program to Mutulu, we automatically became fast friends. I should include one important note here; Mutulu and I, although we loved each other we, had widely different ideological positions and were known to struggle vigorously for our differing points of view. Mutulu was a Black Nationalist and I was a Marxist. Almost every time we saw each other, there were warm hugs and sharp ideological struggle.
With Mutulu, because of his brilliance and tenacity. As Director of the Program, I had no worries about the strength or sustainability of Lincoln Detox. Dr. Shakur more than exceeded my expectations. Dr. Shakur worked with the patients; he administered the Program; he went downtown and fought for the continuation of funding. He built an extraordinary collective of patients, workers, activists, community members, hospital workers, and doctors. They continued to ensure that political education was a part of each heroin addict’s healing and recovery.
During this period, the Black Panther Party was going through an intense internal power struggle (exacerbated by FBI Counterintelligence Program interventions aimed to weaken and destroy the Black Panther Party).
Concerned that the factional situation could undermine the Lincoln Hospital work, Zayd, Rasheed, and Lumumba took me to the Young Lords Party, which had a powerful position in Lincoln Hospital, so I could continue effectively organizing hospital workers and building the Health Revolutionary Unity Movement (HRUM), patterned on the League of Revolutionary Black Workers (LRBW). I continued to work there until James Forman invited me to join the LRBW in Detroit.
Dr. Shakur was always looking for ways to enhance the work of detoxing addicts without using drugs. He wanted to ensure a well-thought-out, comprehensive new methodology for healing our people.
One day, after reading an article in the newspaper about the use of acupuncture as a medical cure for several illnesses and the thousand-year History of the use of this practice, Mutulu was intrigued and rallied his collective to check it out. Dr. Shakur and several collective members headed down to Chinatown.
They did some research and spoke to everyone who might be able to point them in the correct direction to acquire what they needed to understand the elements of acupuncture. They were able to speak with some Chinese experts and some acupuncturists there. The collective and Mutulu came back to the Bronx with a full acupuncture body chart, better known as an acupuncture map, several sets of acupuncture needles, and other equipment.
They began reading as much as possible about the use of acupuncture in Eastern countries that had been using this healthcare method for millennia. This is when the team started practicing on oranges. (Dr. Shakur reminded me just a few weeks before he passed: “No, Cleo, we started practicing on onions first and then oranges to develop our skills using the acupuncture needles.”)
They began using the acupuncture pressure points on the detox patients as they learned, and it was very successful. Mutulu was elated! I don’t know all the details because I had been assigned to go to Detroit and begin my work organizing on the line in an auto plant (Dodge Truck, the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM)).
As Mutulu told the story, he and some of his colleagues were contacted and invited to go to China and then Canada to study acupuncture. I do know that the always astute brother, Mutulu Shakur returned from the Canadian Institute for the Study of Acupuncture with a certification to practice and a doctorate he had earned in the teaching and practice of acupuncture.
But this is just the beginning of Mutulu’s story of his incredible fighting spirit and contribution to healthcare, drug rehabilitation, and to the struggle for the legalization and use of acupuncture in the United States, not to speak of his ongoing work in the fight for justice and equality for Black people and people of color as well as his role and participation of leadership in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa.
The most brilliant contribution from Dr. Mutulu Shakur, though, is his influential role in the development and design of the five-point auricle acupuncture protocol for drug detoxification and several trauma-induced conditions.
This protocol was used and demonstrated around the world by the last Medical Director of Lincoln Detox Dr. Mike Smith, as though he had developed this groundbreaking method of helping detox heroin addicts, but in fact, it was Dr. Mutulu Shakur and his collective who developed the five-point protocol for drug detoxification and any income received for the training, use or demonstration of this acupuncture protocol should have always gone to the estate and family of Dr. Mutulu Shakur and/or his colleagues.
Before his passing, Mutulu and I were discussing plans to help recover some of this income from the Mike Smith estate, and I plan to move forward on this struggle because it is only proper, and that Mutulu assured me that he wanted to engage in this struggle no matter the outcome.
Mutulu was the central figure in the creation of the Black Acupuncture Advisory Association of North America (BAANA) and the Harlem Institute of Acupuncture.
Cleo Silvers and Dr. Mutulu Shakur.
After Mutulu was incarcerated, once I returned to New York from Detroit and Los Angeles, I began to work in the Committee to Free Mutulu, led by his late uncle and my friend Churney. Although we fought for his freedom, Dr. Mutulu Shakur languished in prison for some thirty more years and wrestled with a life-threatening illness until he was freed in December 2022 (just six months ago) to come home to his remarkable family and fight his debilitating cancer.
Mutulu was a heroic family man, including the time he was married to my other celebrated friend, Afeni Shakur. He was a brilliant star of the revolution, a continuous fighter for justice and equality for his people. He was also a critical mentor to the youth throughout time, including to his stepson Tupac Shakur. He is still a healer and a person who was before his time in ideas and practice.
Dr. Mutulu Shakur was and is my mentor, mentee, co-strategist, healer, student, and teacher, but most of all, Dr. Mutulu Shakur was and is my iconic, beloved friend and comrade.
On November 24, 1946, an unsung woman warrior named Cleo Deborah Silvers was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Cleo’s family was among the millions of African Americans that partook in the Great Migration (1920s-1970s). This was an exodus of Black people that fled KKK terror in the Southern states by heading to the Northern region.
It was a period of blatantly racist Jim Crow laws throughout the South while a not-so-hidden persecutive atmosphere existed in every part of the United States. Although “Whites Only” signs were not placed in public places in Northern states the attitudes that resulted from white privileged entitlement automatically implied anti-Black restrictions.
Cleo Silvers, then & now. On the right, Cleo at 4 years old.
Cleo has always described how she witnessed as a child white racism and discrimination. A cruel example that stands out vividly in her childhood memories is when Black children were not allowed at department stores to partake in lines to give “Santa Claus” their Christmas gift wish list.
But Cleo’s resilience in personal encounters with racism and her justified contempt for this system is what molded the freedom fighter that she became. Like so many Black youths during the 1960’s, Cleo Silvers was attracted to the political force of the Black Power movement.
Sister Cleo’s history of service in the liberation struggle is unique and merits utmost respect and admiration. Moreover, she was a hospital worker and an organizer for the Health Revolutionary Unity Movement (HRUM), a political ally of the Young Lords Party (YLP) devoted to the struggle for healthcare.
As a revolutionary healthcare activist Cleo became a close ally and collaborator of the late Dr. Mutulu Shakur, who was a pioneer in acupuncture treatment, during the Lincoln Hospital Detox Program.
A canvas portrait I made of Cleo Silvers, and me on the right, after I completed the painting.
Before joining the YLP, Cleo was a member of the Black Panther Party (BPP) first in Harlem and then in the Bronx branch. Due to the fraternal relationship between the BPP and YLP, it allowed members of both entities to transfer to the other on request. Cleo did precisely that.
Cleo was among many other African Americans who demonstrated their internationalism and revolutionary commitment when they joined a pre-dominantly Puerto Rican entity. Her experiences in these revolutionary organizations defined her perspective on the necessity to forge a united movement to defeat the barbaric capitalist system.
On July 14th, 1970, the YLP takeover of Lincoln Hospital unmistakably angered top officials in the New York City and state government. This unexpected bold action managed to expose the criminal practices of the medical industrial complex, which used supposed “healthcare” as another way of racketeering corporate profits.
Thanks to Cleo’s political skillfulness and familiarity with Lincoln Hospital’s physical layout, she became one of the key strategists of the YLP takeover.
Cleo Silvers sitting far left at a press conference during the 1970 Young Lords takeover of Lincoln Hospital.
Since the events of the 1960’s-70’s mass upsurge, Sister Cleo has continued to stay active and outspoken about the inadequacies in healthcare for Black and Brown people. In addition, she has played a role in efforts demanding the freedom of political prisoners, specifically, captive Black Panthers like Mumia Abu-Jamal, the late Russell Maroon Shoatz, and the late Dr. Mutulu Shakur.
Cleo was among the sisters who comprised the YLP Woman’s Caucus. It was this organ of the YLP structure that helped many of us understand complex theoretical questions relevant to the liberation struggle of our people, such as the interlocked relationship between patriarchy and white supremacy.
It is for the above reasons and more that Cleo Deborah Silvers is an example of resilience and valor, which impacted many inside and outside of the YLP. For me, Cleo is among several Young Lord women who played a significant role in my formative political development, for which I am eternally grateful.
Here is a canvas portrait I recently painted of an unsung woman warrior whom I hold very dear in my heart, Dr. Martha Duarte Arguello. Martha was among those who contributed to my personal and political development during our mutual experience as members of the Young Lords Party.
Portrait of a Warrior Woman, my dear sister Martha. On the right, is when I completed the painting.
As a young child, Martha was reared in a Dominican family that upheld revolutionary traditions and resisted the fascistic reign of Rafael Trujillo. Her revolutionary zeal and internationalist spirit allowed her to understand the meaning of solidarity to defeat a common oppressor.
It is without a doubt that this sister’s experiences in the Dominican struggle made a contributing mark on the history of the Young Lords. Martha was among other Dominican sisters and brothers who were in the ranks of the Young Lords, along with other Latinx and African American members.
Martha was both exemplary and selfless on many levels. She embraced the idea of organizing and politicizing the common people on the street as well as defending them from the racist police.
Her stern disposition and commitment to the struggle for human emancipation became apparent to many Young Lords. As a result, Martha’s leadership traits shattered many sexist myths and allowed her to become the first woman in the Defense Ministry – the special component in YLP’s structure responsible for the organization’s security.
Martha was also one of the founders of the Young Lords Women’s Caucus, which became famous for introducing to the general membership new and revolutionary concepts including the connections between patriarchy and racist oppression. In many ways, the Women’s Caucus became the YLP’s political backbone and emotional fire.
This portrait is 20” X 24”, acrylic paint on canvas. It was inspired by my respect and affection for Dr. Martha Duarte Arguello. For someone who joined a predominantly Puerto Rican organization while being of another nationality, proved her internationalist convictions and what was meant to be a Young Lord.
Sylvia Rivera was a Puerto Rican transgendered woman who became a significant historic figure in the struggle against LGBTQ+ oppression. Along with her closest friend and trusted ally, Marsha P. Johnson, an African American also a transgendered woman, they both became the principal leaders of the June 28, 1969, Stonewall Uprising in New York City’s Greenwich Village.
This critical moment in U.S. history sparked a momentum that shattered many anti-gay taboos. LGBTQ+ people in the United States and the world benefited years later from the political shockwaves caused by this struggle.
The racist and homophobic New York Police Department (NYPD) stormed into the Stonewall Inn with the intent to brutalize members of the LGBTQ community. But unexpectedly, the would-be victims fought back. What began at Stonewall spilled onto the streets and for several nights the LGBTQ+ community clashed with riot police in lower Manhattan.
Sylvia Rivera and Martha P. Johnso
The Stonewall Uprising occurred in the setting of a mass upsurge in this country during the 1960’s-1970’s, in which civil rights and the movement against the war in Vietnam were at the center of discussion. As Black and Brown women revolted against centuries-long racist and patriarchal practices, while the Vietnam War compelled the youth to resist deployment to the battlefield, Stonewall placed LGBTQ+ oppression on the map of resistance.
As a result of their courageous stance, Sylvia Rivera, Marsha P. Johnson, and many others were able to successfully place LGBTQ+ oppression in the context of reactionary “norms” of capitalist society.
Despite arguments made by far-right bourgeois circles, Evangelicals and other religious denominations, LGBTQ+ people have been an integral part of human social development since the beginning of recorded history.
The plight of LGBTQ+ people came about many centuries ago with the rise of social class society. Organized religion has served as capitalism’s most reliable ideological bulwark. The same institution that was used to defend the system of African chattel slavery is now spearheading the persecution of LGBTQ+ people.
Street named in Sylia Rivera’s honor, Greenwich Village, New York City.
Like many in the LGBTQ+ community, alienation and abuse began at a very early age. The suffering Sylvia Rivera experienced throughout her life reflects the persecution LGBTQ+ endure – specifically transgender people.
Sylvia’s resistance to gender oppression began as a child. At 10 years old, Sylvia was abandoned by her father and forced to live on the streets of New York City where she was exposed to continued abuse and drug use. Thanks to Martha P. Johnson and others in the LGBTQ+ community Sylvia was able to survive many hardships and move on with her life.
Months after the Stonewall Uprising, Sylvia began exploring the links between her personal experiences and different forms of oppression affecting millions of people. Sylvia soon realized the need to forge unity among the various people’s struggles for emancipation.
Sylvia was adamantly anti-racist and became openly critical about the LGBTQ+ movement being hijacked by privileged white gay men. She was also critically vocal about the anti-Trans attitudes that exist in the LGBTQ+ community itself.
A painting I did of Sylvia Rivera. 24″ X 30″, acrylic on canvas.
On August 15, 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton added to the storm of political enlightenment, with his statement of solidarity for the Gay and Women’s movements. Newton stated: “The gay liberation front and the women’s front are our friends, they are our potential allies, and we need as many allies as possible”.
Newton’s statement triggered measurable controversy within the Black Panther Party itself and many so-called “progressive” groups. Moreover, it also left a critical impact on the Young Lords’s disposition towards LGBTQ+. Young Lords Gay & Lesbian members who were still in the closet found a sense of freedom to caucus.
Along with other members of the Young Lords Party, I had the pleasure and honor to serve as bodyguard security on Sylvia Rivera. Our task was to protect her during a period when she became the target of death threats. Sylvia’s outspokenness was viewed with contempt by the hierarchy of organized religion, police officials and random figures among the traditional right wing.
Despite the fake atoning overtures made by government officials years later, the militant stance Black and Brown transgendered people displayed on June 28, 1969, has never been forgiven nor forgotten by NYPD’s top brass. Blatant discrimination, violence, and homelessness continue to be the reality for this demographic, especially transgendered children.
Site of the Stonewall Inn, 53 Christopher Street, New York City.
Sylvia supported the Young Lords Party wholeheartedly, not only as a fellow Puerto Rican herself, but because she was observant of the humanity and respect YLP members displayed towards her and LGBTQ+ in general.
During one of her many interviews when asked what she felt about the Young Lords, Sylvia said: “Any time they needed any help, I was always there for the Young Lords. It was just the respect they gave us as human beings. They gave us a lot of respect.”
Sylvia Rivera indisputably embodies the title of Revolutionary. Thanks to her leadership and militant defiance to oppression another link was made to the long chain of resistance. It is warriors of this caliber, like Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P Johnson, that will guarantee the contributions and role LGBTQ+ will play in the rise of a new revolutionary mass movement in this country.
carlitoboricua 